They include a nuts-and-bolts account of how the creation of the Arts Council played a central role in the formation of the Royal Court and the New Wave.
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Not all of the author's analogies are useful, however; for example, his contention that the Arts Council resembles Jeremy Benthem's Panoptican comes off as a forced attempt to drag Michel Foucault into a discussion of theatre history. Rebellato also devotes a chapter to the Royal Court's attempt to negate the towering presence of French drama in the early s by producing the homegrown works of Osborne, Wesker, Harold Pinter, Arden, and Shelagh Delaney. The author notes that the New Wave's attempt to eliminate Gallicism can be juxtaposed with the Royal Court's enthusiasm for the theatre of Bertolt Brecht.
The last two chapters are the most thought-provoking. Using extensive primary sources, Rebellato examines the influence of homosexuality on postwar theatre of the s and s. The author argues that "we should be very suspicious of claiming that homosexuality was 'repressed' beforehand, or that the theatre can be Access options available:.
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Clear your history. IMDb Everywhere. Follow IMDb on. DPReview Digital Photography. As a result of some fairly inaccurate reporting on the Club in the News Chronicle , and some rather more accurate reporting in the South London Press , Healy was panicked into ill-considered and precipitate action.
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Under pressure from Behan, whose prestige was high and who had always displayed a distinct apathy to the Labour Party, Healy called for the formation of the Socialist Labour League. It might have been possible to argue that the time had come for an end to entrism, but that would have required a serious campaign of discussion and activity, testing the water both inside and outside the Labour Party.
None of this was done — the group was presented with a virtual diktat. For a bigger, more sophisticated organisation it might have been possible to run an open political group and also carry out the hard slog of rank and file activity. The Club lacked these qualities and, in any case, it was about to become quite a bit smaller.
Many of the ex-CP members had required a deal of convincing of the necessity of entering the Labour Party. Aggregates were conducted in an acrimonious spirit, branch meetings degenerated into abusive slanging matches. Peter Fryer, who had been in the eye of the storm, centred on Clapham High Street, was distressed by the tantrums and uncomradely spirit and abruptly resigned and disappeared. Appalled by this behaviour and opposed to the way the SLL turn had been thrust on the organisation, a faction was formed. The Stamford faction so named after the grounds of stately home at which the first meeting was held had about 25 members, among them Peter Fryer, John Daniels, Edward Thompson, Ken Coates and Peter Cadogan.
Also among the 25 was the obligatory spy to keep Healy abreast of developments. Expulsion followed the writs with some speed. Not long afterwards, Behan and his co-thinkers, now characterised as ultra-left, were expelled. In the space of a couple of years, Healy had recruited, alienated and expelled practically all of the levy. Nearly all of them were lost to revolutionary politics. What Stalin could not accomplish, Healy managed in record time.
Only a handful of that levy remained, perhaps the most notable being Cliff Slaughter, who carried on for another 25 years providing a small intellectual fig leaf for Healy. Perhaps, like Alasdair MacIntyre, they have made their peace with God. The destruction of that particular cadre was just one episode — and probably the most important — in a continuing process of finding a likely area for recruitment, performing Herculean tasks of organisation, followed by draconian measures of discipline and expulsion. In this way a legion of ex-Trotskyists was created.
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How, one might ask, could one man, aided by a few Satraps, manage for so long to maintain this kind of regime? From the outside it is almost impossible to answer such a question. Suffice it to say, the very fact of membership implies a belief that this is the revolutionary party, if only in embryo. Given this, the critic is already half disarmed. What vehicle will enable the working class to build socialism?
A revolutionary party. Yes, otherwise I would not be having this discussion. The truth is that with the steady erosion of the cadre, any opportunity to become active in a genuinely working class milieu is made impossible. The mutual interaction between the Marxist organisation and advanced workers is the only guarantee of an unfolding programme and a growing party. Trotskyism is not the last word, it is a stepping stone to a higher synthesis.
Given the circumstances, this may have been inevitable, but this enforced isolation has given rise to some very strange organisational forms and even more eccentric practices. To recruit, given something coherent and different to say, is not impossible, so long as it is worked at hard and steadily.
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